Skip to main content

How the Media Makes Good News Feel Bad

 

Economics is not everybody’s favorite subject.

That sentence alone could send readers running for the exits. Not that they don’t think economics is important, just that it’s too arcane to get their brains around, and too boring to want to try. Sort of like epidemiology.

But in a year as consequential as this one, it’s worth paying attention to economics, at least tangentially. Because as the election approaches, a deluge of both misinformation (another word for ‘wrong’) and disinformation (another word for ‘lying’) will be competing for our attention. Both parties will be trying to leverage the economy to their advantage — Democrats by touting it, Republicans by trashing it.

The most pain-free way I know to follow economic issues — and their effects on politics — is to read Paul Krugman in The New York Times. Few Nobel Prize winners are as adept as he at making complex subject matter readily digestible to mere mortals. I do not hold him responsible for the sins of his publication.

Speaking of which, one of his recurring themes concerns the reporting of economic news, and the startling disconnect between perception and reality that has been created and exacerbated by the media.

The American economy, he says, is by almost every measure doing remarkably well, yet people are refusing to believe it. In survey after survey, people are happy to say that they’re personally doing great, but that the economy sucks. They don’t correlate the raise they got this year with any external reality.

It’s bad enough that the Fox media bubble reports nothing but bad news about the economy, and if there’s no bad news they’ll make it up. But as corrosive as it is to have bummers and lies spewing nonstop from a supposed news outlet, their particular brand of treachery is neither new nor unexpected.

But we do expect more from the mainstream media this election cycle, so it’s especially infuriating when they strain to make good news seem bad.

Yes, they have dutifully reported the extraordinary numbers — employment up, inflation down, wages rising, stock market through the roof — but the reporting always includes a warning, something “serious” people are worried about. It’s as if good news is somehow distasteful.

Just last week, The Times ran a story with this headline:

December Jobs Report — U.S. Job Growth Remains Strong

The subhead cites the 216,000 jobs created last month, as “a sign that economic growth remains vigorous.” Which is neither more nor less than competent, straightforward reporting, right?

Not so fast. To get to that page on the website, you needed to click through from The Times’ home page, where the click-bait headline had a much different spin:

U.S. Jobs Report Is Expected to Show Slower Hiring Pace but Solid Gains

Notice how ‘Solid Gains’ takes a back seat to ‘Slower Hiring Pace,’ almost as an afterthought? Notice how “slower hiring pace” doesn’t actually mean “slower hiring,” though it strongly implies it? Notice how the hiring pace isn’t even mentioned until well into the article?

Yet the home page — the place you go to scan the latest headlines — deliberately misleads you about any economic news that’s favorable.

If you didn’t click through from the home page, you’d get the wrong impression of what those numbers actually mean. And if you saw enough of such headlines over time, you might conclude that the whole economy is rotten, when it’s anything but.

This is the editorial staff bending over backwards to make lemonade into lemons. They know that our attention spans are limited, and there are only so many stories we can click on. But that makes it all that much more important that the home pages of these publications not deceive us. Which is what they do every day.

The Times is hardly an outlier. Read about the economy in any mainstream publication, and yes, they’ll report the good news — they can’t hide the numbers, after all — but watch how they slant it. Watch how they quote “experts,” who are always “urging caution,” always warning of “a recession right around the corner.” Somehow, the absence of evidence only strengthens their conviction.

This is, of course, all about the horse race. Now that Republicans are self-immolating in real time, now that they’ve devolved into a party of buffoons and thieves, the press is desperate to level the playing field. Count on them to rain on the parade of any Democrat’s success, especially Joe Biden’s.

So we’ll have to make the case for the success of “Bidenomics” all by ourselves. But first let’s consider one of the more underappreciated aspects of that success.

Bidenomics, we hope, will spell the end of a very dark period in economic theory, and the resurgence of one of the brightest ideas of the twentieth century: Keynesian economics.

For the last four decades, the American economy has largely been in the grip of economic charlatans. “Supply-side” economics was designed by Republicans, for Republicans, specifically to provide a rationale for cutting taxes on the rich. While the theory was totally fraudulent, it was a great racket while it lasted, and it did lethal damage to the middle class. But with a little luck in the next election, it will finally be extinguished.

In its place, if we’re lucky, we’ll see the return of the Keynesians. John Maynard Keynes was a Brit whose concern for Britain’s survival in the Great Depression led him to theories of government that have been proven effective time and again since.

At its most basic, Keynesian theory assigns to the federal government an active role in controlling the economy and tempering its excesses. It suggests that any increase in government spending will ripple through the economy, stimulating new economic activity, juicing private investment, and generating new jobs.

Most of our growth in the post-World War II era was achieved by administrations hewing, in some fashion, to Keynesian theory. There were even Republicans that believed in it.

Bill Clinton and Barack Obama were too handcuffed by Republican opposition to go full Keynesian, but Joe Biden is bringing it back with a vengeance. Thanks to two freakishly bipartisan moments, the administration had passed two massive spending bills before the House was overrun by crazies. That money was put to work, first to recover from the pandemic, then to start investing, long-term, in the economic well-being of the American populace.

So far, so good. When Biden says he wants to rebuild the economy “from the bottom up and the middle out,” he’s actually paying homage to Keynes. The infusion of government spending he has managed to pull off, against all odds, is delivering results. And it’s putting up numbers even the media will find hard to ignore.

Will those numbers continue? That literally depends on the coming election.

In the meantime, despite what you might see in the press, the economy appears to be in good hands. At least for now.

 

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

France and Britain Just Gave the Finger to Fascism

There is now ample evidence that people with democratic systems of government actually like them, and would just as soon keep them, flaws and all. There seems to be a strong backlash occurring in several European countries, a trend toward shoring up democracies threatened by toxic authoritarian forces. In Poland last year, then in France and Britain last week, actual voters — as opposed to deeply compromised opinion polls — gave a big middle finger to the fascists in their midst. I don’t pretend to understand the electoral systems of these countries — let alone their political currents — but I’m struck by the apparent connections between different elections in different countries, and what they might be saying to us. I’ve spoken before of Poland , where ten years of vicious minority rule was overturned at the ballot box. A ban on abortion was the galvanizing issue — sound familiar? — and it brought an overwhelming number of voters to the polls, many for the fir

Don’t Let the New York Times Do Your Thinking

  My father would not live any place where the New York Times couldn’t be delivered before 7:00 a.m. To him, the Times was “the newspaper of record,” the keeper of the first drafts of history. It had the reach and the resources to be anywhere history was being made, and the skills to report it accurately. He trusted it more than any other news source, including Walter Cronkite. Like my dad, I grew to associate the Times with serious journalism, the first place one goes for the straight story. Their news was always assumed to be objectively presented, with the facts front-and-center. Their op-ed writers were well-reasoned and erudite, even when I thought they were full of shit. But there was more. The Times became — for me, at least — a sort of guide to critical thinking. It helped teach me, at an impressionable age, to weigh the facts before forming an opinion. And many of my opinions — including deeply-held ones — were formed around facts I might have read

Democrats, Step Away from the Ledge

  Anxiety comes easily to Democrats. We’re highly practiced at perceiving a crisis, wanting to fix it immediately, and being consistently frustrated when we can’t. Democrats understand consequences, which is why we always have plenty to worry about. Republicans don’t give a rat’s ass about consequences — which is, let’s face it, their superpower. I wasn’t intending to write about last Thursday’s debate, mostly because I post on Tuesdays, and this could be old news by the time it gets to you. But then the New York Times weighed in with a wildly disingenuous editorial calling for Joe Biden to drop out of the race, and the rest of the mainstream media piled on. In the Times' not-so-humble opinion, Biden needs to consider “the good of the country,” something their own paper has repeatedly failed to do for almost a decade. And since this is now the crisis du jour for virtually every Democrat who watched that shitshow, I thought I might at l